by Ahmed E. Souaiaia*
The wide-spreading
protest movement in Turkey is bringing up the irresistible analogy: Taksim Square
is for Turkey what Tahrir Square is for Egypt. Considering that Tahrir Square events
were the extension of the protest movement that started it all from Tunisia, it
follows that the turmoil in Turkey is similar to the so-called Arab Spring. But
most observers and media analysts are dismissing Taksim Square movement arguing
that Turkey’s uprising is not similar to the Arab Spring because Erdoğan and
his party are democratically elected and that Erdoğan has governed over a
period of unprecedented economic prosperity.
Turkish Prime
minister Erdoğan, too, mockingly rejected calls for him to resign, with mounting accusations of police brutality, saying that
he cannot be called a dictator because he was democratically elected. He accused
his political opponents of using the street to topple his government. He argued
that the protesters are ideologically motivated and threatened that for every
100,000 protesters, he will bring out a million from his party.
While it is true
that the circumstances of Turkey are different from those in the Arab world,
one could also argue that the circumstances of Tunisia were different from
those in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Syria.
Yet, each of these countries was affected, in varying degrees, by the protest
movements of this decade.
The wave of protest
movements ignited by Elbouazizi are about one central theme: dignity. Certainly, in the long run, these rebellions are not about a vender harassed by police officers in Sidi Bouzid in the case of Tunisia or about several trees cut in Gezi Park. Those events are simply the sparks that ignite the flames that have been burning underneath. The feeling of being made irrelevant, powerless, and insignificant by an arrogant leader, elected or otherwise, is the real force that breaks the wall of fear and galvanizes people to reclaim their dignity.
Indeed, democracies, like dictatorships, are prone to overreaching and abuse of power. In a dictatorship, it is easy to identify abuse of power because that abuse generally comes from a single source: a dictator or the ruling party. In a democracy, where power is shared, blame tends to be shared as well, making it hard to identify the source of abuse. But in the end, if the people, or a significant segment of society, feel that their dignity is abused, be it on the hands of a dictator or an elected leader, they will rise up.
Indeed, democracies, like dictatorships, are prone to overreaching and abuse of power. In a dictatorship, it is easy to identify abuse of power because that abuse generally comes from a single source: a dictator or the ruling party. In a democracy, where power is shared, blame tends to be shared as well, making it hard to identify the source of abuse. But in the end, if the people, or a significant segment of society, feel that their dignity is abused, be it on the hands of a dictator or an elected leader, they will rise up.
Erdoğan, though
he is elected, has shown alarming authoritarian tendencies. His hubris is
appalling and his arrogance is offensive to many Turkish citizens and people in
the region. Elected leaders are not immune to hubris and arrogance especially
when they have a limited understanding of how democracy works.
Being elected
democratically does not grant one unchecked sovereignty and powers, especially when
the country does not have strong and established civil society institutions. In
fact, since Erdoğan’s rise to power, he has done all that he could to
consolidate power and undermine civil society institutions. He targeted journalists,
academicians, artists, judges, human rights activists, and NGOs. When his
opponents opposed him, he threatened elections and used demagoguery and his popular
base to stifle dissent. Where Arab dictators used tear gas, jail, torture, and
guns to silence opponents, Erdoğan used demagoguery and majoritism as tools of
oppression. Is there a difference between such a democracy and dictatorship if
the outcome is the same: Oppression of minorities, dissenters, and the vulnerable?
Erdoğan and his political party are reducing
democracy to a tool of control. They are ignoring the fact that democracy works
best when it is adopted in an environment that celebrates dissent and
diversity. Without vibrant, free, and thriving civil society institutions,
elections are only a path to authoritarianism, especially in a country full of
supermajorities and superminorities.
The Turkish
Spring is similar to the Arab Spring and in some ways a bit different. While
most Arab protesters wanted to overthrow the established order (Isqat
al-Nizam), Turkish protesters want Erdoğan to resign, not overthrow the system.
It might be in the interest of the ruling party to force Erdoğan to resign to preserve
their achievements and plan for a future of shared governance. Erdoğan’s threat
to bring to the street one million people from his party for every 100,000 of
protesters is divisive, arrogant, partisan, and unbecoming of a leader for all
of Turkey—not his party.
______________________
* Prof. SOUAIAIA teaches at the University
of Iowa. Opinions are the author’s, speaking on matters of public interest; not
speaking for the university or any other organization with which he is
affiliated.
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