On the same day when Saudi Arabia issued a royal decree
criminalizing Saudi citizens’ participation in the war in Syria (or joining
Jihadi groups), the White House confirmed that President Obama will be visiting
the Kingdom in March. It seems a reasonable assumption that during this visit,
Obama will attempt to synchronize U.S. and Saudi diplomacy over two key issues:
the nuclear agreement between Iran and the P5+1, and the crisis in Syria.
The
agenda of the meeting in Riyadh could in fact be reduced to a single conversation
about Iran, since Iran is also a key ally of the Syrian government. Rather than
focusing on these issues, however, the President should focus on convincing the
Saudi rulers to abandon their reliance on violent sectarian warriors to exert
influence in the region and around the world, especially their support of
religious zealots attempting to overthrow governments the Saudis don’t like.
The Saudi rulers cannot escape responsibility from inciting
religious violence by distinguishing between public and private dichotomies. Claiming
that the Saudi government does not incite sectarianism and violence, but that private
entities and individuals do, is not supportable by the known facts. A
government that controls all aspects of public and private life, including
limiting the rights of citizens to engage in mundane daily acts like driving a
car, should certainly be able to control the speech and actions of satellite
television preachers who broadcast bank account numbers for donors to support
“jihad” against infidels, deviant sects, and secular regimes.
Asking the Saudis to end their support of religious zealots
does not mean that Saudi Arabia, or any other country for that matter, should stop
supporting peoples who rise up to demand that their governments respect their
dignity, life, and property. It is a false dichotomy to argue that supporting
the Syrian people, for instance, necessitates sending arms and fighters.
Using religious zealots in pursuit of foreign policy goals
abuses the Islamic institution of jihad—the declaration of which has historically
been the province of governments, not individuals with access to satellite
television, a large number of followers on Twitter, or brainwashed youth in
failed states. If the Saudi rulers are sincerely moved by the plight of the
Syrian people, they should have the moral and political courage to send troops,
so that there is accountability and clear line of responsibility. But when the
Saudis look the other way while preachers incite young people from the Kingdom (including
members of the Saudi armed forces) and from neighboring countries to cross into
country and wage “jihad,” then they should be reminded that they are
responsible for destabilizing the region and the world when they fail to put
the Jinni back in the bottle.
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* Prof. SOUAIAIA teaches at the University of Iowa. His
most recent book, Anatomy of Dissent in Islamic Societies, provides a historical and theoretical
treatment of rebellious movements and ideas since the rise of Islam. Opinions
are the author’s, speaking on matters of public interest; not speaking for the
university or any other organization with which he is affiliated.
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